Clinton Gaining Bosnia Support : Balkans: Key lawmakers grudgingly concede they will back troop deployment despite misgivings. Former GOP defense advisers say nation cannot retract commitment.

President Clinton took his case for sending U.S. troops to Bosnia to Capitol Hill on Tuesday, winning grudging concessions from key lawmakers that they probably will support the deployment despite strong misgivings among members of Congress and the public.

In the wake of his televised address to the nation Monday night, Clinton traveled to the Capitol to meet with the Senate Democratic Caucus, and later invited key Republican and Democratic congressional leaders to the White House to discuss the deployment plan.

Shortly after the sessions, Republicans emerged still skeptical, but uncombative. Senate GOP Whip Trent Lott of Mississippi told reporters that “Republicans are . . . holding their fire. They’re giving the Administration an opportunity to make [its] case.”

The two days of stepped-up campaigning appeared to win Clinton some additional support for his deployment plan--or at least a softening of the opposition--both within Congress itself and out among the American electorate.

Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), a Vietnam veteran who has been one of the principal critics of Clinton’s policy on Bosnia-Herzegovina, said he and Senate Majority Leader Bob Dole (R-Kan.) would begin working on a resolution on the Bosnia deployment, with a view toward floor action late next week.

Although the White House has insisted repeatedly that the President does not need Congress’ authority to deploy U.S. forces, Clinton has said he hopes to win an “expression of support” from lawmakers, similar to that given then-President George Bush before the Persian Gulf War.

At the same time, a CNN-USA Today-Gallup poll taken late Monday found that 46% of Americans now favor sending troops to Bosnia, while 40% remain opposed. A similar survey taken Nov. 6 showed 47% saying they favored deploying troops while 49% were opposed.

Meanwhile, the Pentagon said that in addition to about 20,000 U.S. ground troops that it plans to deploy to Bosnia, the United States will station about 5,000 more soldiers in Croatia and Macedonia and about 3,000 others in neighboring countries--including, probably, Hungary--for logistics support.

The Administration has consistently used the 20,000 figure only for the number of U.S. ground troops to be assigned to peacekeeping duties in Bosnia. Officials have repeatedly said there would be other military personnel in the region providing logistics, flying air-support missions and on warships.

The developments came as the Senate Armed Services Committee opened a round of hearings on the Bosnia issue scheduled by congressional panels this week, drawing warnings from three former top defense advisers to GOP presidents that America cannot back away from sending U.S. troops.

James R. Schlesinger, secretary of defense in the Gerald R. Ford Administration, told the panel that “the President, rightly or wrongly, has committed the power and prestige of the United States” and that to back away now would “grievously injure” America’s global standing.

Two Bush Administration officials testifying before the panel--retired Gen. Brent Scowcroft, onetime presidential national security adviser, and Paul Wolfowitz, former undersecretary of defense--agreed, although all had reservations about parts of the peace plan.

White House Press Secretary Mike McCurry said the President also placed telephone calls after his speech Monday to Bush, retired Gen. Colin L. Powell, former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and several key members of Congress.

Although McCurry declined to provide details of the conversations, he said Clinton hoped to enlist Bush’s and Powell’s support for the deployment. U.S. ground troops are slated to go to Bosnia probably in mid- or late December.

McCurry also disclosed that between 2,500 and 3,000 people telephoned the White House “comment line” following the President’s speech Monday, registering what he called “a great deal” of skepticism.

“The American people clearly want to know more,” he said.

McCurry said that Clinton, who left late Tuesday night for a five-day trip to visit U.S. forces and confer with European leaders, plans to continue to make his case and is “fairly confident” that Americans will support his deployment plan.

The changed atmosphere in Congress was apparent almost throughout the Capitol on Tuesday.

McCain told reporters that “people are talking more and more seriously about the consequences of repudiating the President of the United States” no matter what his party. “The office of the presidency deserves that privilege--that the President can make his case.”

Many at Tuesday’s hearing appeared to echo the comments of Sen. William S. Cohen (R-Me.), who observed that “we find ourselves in a position that we may very well regret [supporting the Bosnia deployment].”

But caution still ruled the day, particularly among House Republicans. House Majority Leader Dick Armey (R-Tex.) told reporters that despite the President’s speech, it still was “problematical” whether Congress would formally vote on a resolution of support.

Describing himself as “extremely skeptical” and “not at all convinced,” Armey said that judging by the telephone calls he was receiving from his own constituents, “getting a vote on this matter would be like pulling teeth through the back of your head.”

The testimony of the three former Republican national security officials Tuesday followed essentially similar lines. All three warned that the Bosnia mission would subject U.S. troops to serious risks, from snipers’ bullets to uncharted land mines.

At the same time, however, all three agreed that while the possibility of significant reverses is fairly high, U.S. prestige and leadership would be irreparably harmed if the United States reneged on its pledge to send troops.

Times staff writers Janet Hook and Elizabeth Shogren contributed to this report.