Advertisement
Josh Hammer

Trump’s clash with Harvard puts higher ed on notice

People walking on Harvard's campus
Harvard University has resisted pressure to comply with the Trump administration’s interpretations of civil rights policies.
(Sophie Park / Getty Images)

One of the most important insights of public policy is the understanding that most laws are predicated upon a (stated or unstated) quid pro quo.

Take, for example, the roiling months-long debate about President Trump’s immigration enforcement agenda. Think back to the arrest and initiation of removal proceedings against Mahmoud Khalil, the green card-holding pro-Palestinian organizer at Columbia University. Critics said that Khalil never committed an actual black-letter crime — and perhaps he didn’t. But the government has argued he supported the foreign terrorist organization Hamas and contributed to a hostile campus environment for Columbia’s besieged Jewish students. Doing so could abuse the terms of his noncitizen legal permanent residence and forfeit his right to be here.

We might view it this way: If Khalil violated his implicit “quid,” he lost his corresponding “quo.”

Advertisement

Many similar examples abound throughout our legal fabric. Consider also Section 230, the 1990s-era technology law: In exchange for helping to “offer a forum for a true diversity of political discourse,” as the statute aims to do, a given social media platform will not be treated as a “publisher” for purposes of defamation law. But Big Tech has repeatedly violated the “quid” (suppressing perspectives for political reasons), and now a change to the statutory “quo” is appropriate.

This same prism can explain the ongoing, and rapidly escalating, standoff between Trump’s administration and Harvard University — and Trump’s ambitious agenda to rein in the fiscal and cultural excesses of elite American higher education, more generally.

For decades, American institutions of higher education have benefited from extraordinary taxpayer largesse. Federal government grants and other forms of direct taxpayer subsidizations of universities are legion, not to mention tuition revenue from federally backed student loans. Capital gains of major university endowments are also taxed at the minuscule rate of 1.4% — a fraction of the taxation rate to which the endowments would be subject were they operating as any other type of business or investment fund.

Advertisement

This favorable governmental treatment of higher education is the back-end “quo.” But policymakers predicated that “quo,” long ago, on the corresponding “quid”: American universities, in educating young Americans and instilling in them a love of their faith traditions, their nation and God, conduce to the common good and deserve direct public support.

The basic problem with this argument, in the year 2025, is that — quite simply — it is indescribably and laughably out of touch with reality.

American higher education, viewed as a whole, no longer conduces to the common good. Indeed, it has not done so for a very long time now. William F. Buckley Jr., the founder of National Review, published “God and Man at Yale,” a prominent cri de coeur against the liberal educational establishment, seven and a half decades ago. The rise of the Frankfurt School and rampant cultural Marxist indoctrination soon followed. The problem of institutions of higher education churning out not godly patriots but decadent ingrates has been with us for a very long time. But for too long, the higher education “quo” of extra-generous taxpayer treatment stayed constant despite the collapse of the onetime “quid.”

Advertisement

Trump, in seeking to condition federal taxpayer grants to elite universities like Columbia and Harvard on the universities’ bare-minimum compliance with the nation’s civil rights laws, is taking the smallest step possible to recalibrate the discombobulated quid pro quo that has defined the taxpayer-university relationship for decades. American universities retain full 1st Amendment rights to speak, instruct and promulgate however they would like — but they cannot do so on the taxpayer dime when they engage in flagrant racial, ethnic or religious discrimination against applicants and students in violation of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. There is also always the “Hillsdale College option” — like Michigan-based Hillsdale, any other school can simply opt out of federal funding. Perhaps they should!

Many notable Democrats, such as former President Obama, have lined up to defend Harvard — the Trump administration’s most recent and outsized funding target. Truly, it is remarkable. The onetime party of the working-class — “lunch bucket Joe,” as former President Biden was once known — has transmogrified into the leading partisan proponent of a status quo in which working-class men and women nationwide subsidize not necessarily the local technical training school, but the distant Ivy League ivory tower. Democrats may not win back the Rust Belt any time soon, but they can at least bank on the Harvard and Yale faculty lounges. And maybe they’re OK with that. I know I am.

Josh Hammer’s latest book is “Israel and Civilization: The Fate of the Jewish Nation and the Destiny of the West.” This article was produced in collaboration with Creators Syndicate. @josh_hammer

Insights

L.A. Times Insights delivers AI-generated analysis on Voices content to offer all points of view. Insights does not appear on any news articles.

Viewpoint
This article generally aligns with a Right point of view. Learn more about this AI-generated analysis

Perspectives

The following AI-generated content is powered by Perplexity. The Los Angeles Times editorial staff does not create or edit the content.

Ideas expressed in the piece

  • The article argues that federal funding for universities like Harvard is based on an implicit “quid pro quo,” where taxpayer support is predicated on institutions fostering values aligned with the common good, such as patriotism and adherence to civil rights laws. It contends that elite universities have long violated this arrangement by promoting “cultural Marxist indoctrination” and enabling discrimination against Jewish students, justifying Trump’s funding cuts as a necessary recalibration[3].
  • Trump’s move to condition federal grants on compliance with civil rights statutes is framed as a minimal response to systemic failures in higher education, emphasizing that universities retain free speech rights but forfeit taxpayer support if they engage in discriminatory practices. The article likens this to immigration enforcement against individuals who violate the terms of their residency[3].
  • The piece criticizes Democrats for defending Harvard, accusing them of abandoning working-class interests to protect elite institutions that perpetuate ideological conformity. It contrasts this with the “Hillsdale College option,” suggesting universities could opt out of federal funding entirely if they oppose oversight[3].

Different views on the topic

  • Harvard President Alan Garber rejected the administration’s demands, asserting that the university will not “surrender its independence or relinquish its constitutional rights.” He emphasized Harvard’s ongoing efforts to combat antisemitism and comply with civil rights laws, framing the dispute as a defense of academic freedom[1][2].
  • Legal experts, including Harvard Law professor Noah Feldman, interpret Garber’s response as signaling an impending lawsuit. They argue that withholding federal funding without due process could violate administrative law, setting a precedent for judicial review of executive overreach[1][2].
  • Opponents highlight the broader implications of federal interference in academia, warning that politicizing research funding threatens scientific progress and institutional autonomy. Garber’s message underscored universities’ role in advancing “healthier, more prosperous lives” through independent scholarship, a principle he argues is incompatible with unilateral government mandates[2].

Advertisement
Advertisement